[Note: this transcription was produced by an automatic OCR engine]

77

by White for Pitjantjatjara people living at Yalata. Maru derives from black and is a synonym
for shadeside Ngumpaluru. This word is also found in the third form, among Kukatja—
speaking people around Balgo.

Generally speaking, relative nomenclatures are more widespread, although they are not
often used among dialects close to the Northern Territory/Western Australia border. In this
nomenclature, the binary opposition between the “us” and “them” is stressed, underlining
the principles of divergent identities I mentioned earlier that govern the relationship between
the moieties. In the absolute nomenclature, a moiety is unambiguously named and linked to
the section terminology as well. This nomenclature not only stresses the distinction between
people of opposite moieties, but also places them definitely inside the space of kinship and
ritual behaviour. Indeed, Tjintultukultul “sun side” persons sit on the eastern parts of the
ceremonial ground, where the sun rises, while the “Ngumpaluru mo ” “shade side” sit on
the west.”

This chapter has shown that the section system is only one, and not even the most important,
social category system in the Western Desert. It has presented the geographic distribution of
the two types of nomenclatures found for generational moieties, an absolute and a relative
terminology, both of which reflect some regional or local variations, especially on the desert’s
fringes. The chapter has not tried to establish relationships between terminologies used inside
and on the borders of the desert. However, it is well known that named generational moiety
divisions are used in many parts of Australia, and certainly in languages surrounding the
Western Desert. Examples, among many others, are the Warlpiri in the north-east of the
Western Desert, using nganamtarrka and jamamiljampa Laughren 1982277, words that
are definitely cognates of tlie relative tenninology mentioned for the Western Desert above,
or the Kalamaia in the south-west who have both, a relative and an absolute nomenclature for
generational moieties Bates, quoted in White 1981; Douglas 1968.“

The section system has ditfused as an overlay on the generational distinctions, and being
compatible with the general pattern of kin categories according to the bifurcate-merging
principle, it has easily embedded itself in the social landscape. However, in certain contexts,
generational moieties allow for a use of the kinship terminology that does not follow the
Dmvidian type of cross-parallel distinction, but amalgamates co-generationals into categories
determined by those classes usually applied Within the nuclear family only, excluding afinal
and cross-relations. This feature is simultaneously a reason for the misinterpretation and the
misrepresentation of the Western Desert or A1uridja—type of kinship system in former times,
and underlines the importance of the generational level divisions in structuring social space
as well as behavioural patterns.

"3 Such is the case among Ngaatjatjarm people and Ngaanyatjarra people see also Glass l993:29. Lee Sackett
pers. comm, reports for the Wiluna area that sun side people sit to the north, while shade side people sit to the
south.

“ These are Beerungoomat and Jooamat for the absolute, and pr'rnr‘njIm and riuwak for the relative terminology.